A 2023 survey conducted in Austria with 1,000 participants investigated the relationship between media trust and consumers’ willingness to pay (WTP) for online news in the post-pandemic era. The results indicate a strong correlation between media trust and both WTP and actual media expenditure. This highlights the importance of trust in securing financial sustainability for media organisations. As free content dominates the digital landscape, media companies must rebuild trust to encourage consumers to pay for credible news.
The media industry faces various challenges due to digital disruption and declining trust. While scepticism toward the media is not new, the pandemic accelerated its decline. Trust in media is essential for democracy and economic stability, yet media institutions remain among the least trusted. Despite increased news consumption during the pandemic, trust did not improve. This decline in trust has affected financial sustainability, forcing media companies to shift from ad-based models to paid subscriptions. However, WTP for news remains low, stagnating at 17% globally and only 13.7% in Austria.
Media trust is a crucial factor in social interactions and economic behaviour. Trust in media means audiences believe the media will perform its role satisfactorily. Without trust, the media cannot serve its democratic function, however, it should not be unconditional and should be accompanied by critical media literacy. Trust also involves uncertainty and a leap of faith, as audiences cannot always verify news content. The digital age complicates trust with misinformation, fake news, and algorithm manipulation. Media organisations have also contributed to declining trust through poor reporting and inaccuracies. Since consumers cannot assess media quality before consumption, trust plays a key role in their decision to pay for content. Building trust requires a focus on journalistic integrity and media branding.
From an economic perspective, trust in media brands influences consumer decisions and financial support. Trusted brands create competitive advantages, increasing WTP. Prior studies show that consumers are more likely to pay for news from trusted sources. Economic theories suggest that consumer preferences determine the value of a good: when consumers trust a media brand, they perceive it as more valuable and are more willing to pay for its content. However, free alternatives on social media and financial constraints make it difficult for media companies to convince consumers to pay.
The sample for the online survey, conducted by the Austrian Gallup Institute in October 2023, consisted of 1,000 respondents aged 16 and older, representing Austria’s web-active population. The survey measured media usage, trust, perceptions of media performance, payment behaviours, WTP, and trust in political institutions. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test hypotheses. Predictors included socio-demographics, media use, and political trust, with interaction terms to test moderation effects.
The results show that trust in media significantly influences WTP and media expenditure. Public service media were rated as the most trustworthy, with television and radio considered more credible than social media. Although media consumption is high, 25% of respondents avoid news, citing psychological stress and lack of trust. Trust in political institutions is low, with only 12% expressing high trust. There is a moderate correlation between media trust and WTP, indicating that trust influences payment behaviour. Political trust also correlates with WTP and media expenditure, suggesting that those with higher trust in political institutions are more likely to support paid news.
Regression analysis shows that higher education and larger households predict higher WTP, while older age, being female, and living in rural areas predict lower WTP. Media use is also a significant predictor, with frequent media users showing higher WTP. Political trust independently predicts WTP, and its interaction with media trust further strengthens this relationship. Media trust remains a significant predictor of WTP across models, though its effect weakens when political trust is considered. When media expenditure is analysed as the dependent variable, similar patterns emerge, though with lower explanatory power. Income significantly influences media expenditure, while media trust loses significance in complex models.
Trust in the media is important for both democratic and economic reasons. Trust enables informed citizenship and financial stability for media organisations. The survey results confirm that trust strongly predicts WTP and media expenditure. As the pandemic increased scepticism toward media due to misinformation and political biases, and social media has further weakened traditional media, trust has become even more critical for securing paid subscriptions. Consumers prioritise credible media brands, which influences their willingness to pay. Therefore, media organisations must focus on rebuilding trust and demonstrating the value of their content.
To restore trust, transparency is essential. Providing insight into journalistic processes can help regain credibility. Fact-checking, ethical reporting, and clear labelling of content can also enhance trust. Accountability is another key factor, requiring strict ethical standards and swift correction of inaccuracies. Engaging with audiences and considering their perspectives can strengthen trust and loyalty.
Beyond trust, understanding other factors influencing WTP is crucial for media sustainability. Socio-demographic factors play a role, highlighting the need for flexible pricing strategies such as micropayments. Regular news consumers tend to trust the media more and are more inclined to pay for content. Advanced data analytics and AI can help tailor content recommendations and increase engagement.
While quality journalism is important, media companies must also focus on branding and marketing. Consumers’ willingness to pay depends not only on content quality but also on brand perception. Strong media brands create competitive advantages, increase perceived value, and drive higher WTP. Marketing and psychology research emphasise the importance of brand trust, yet this remains an underexplored area in media studies.
Voci, D., Karmasin, M., Luef, S., Förster, S., & Kaltenbrunner, A. (2024). Trust has a price?! Unraveling the dynamics between trust in the media and the willingness to pay in the post-pandemic scenario. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241311101
Local journalism faces significant challenges around the world, resulting in the decline of newspapers in various regions, often referred to as “news deserts.” These areas suffer from a lack of reliable news sources, resulting in diminished access to important information that citizens need to participate actively in their communities.
This trend is also alarming for journalism funders, as local journalism plays a critical role in maintaining a well-informed public. With fewer reporters covering city councils, school boards, and local events, citizens are left with limited information about issues affecting their lives. This lack of coverage can create a vacuum of knowledge, undermining democratic processes at the local level.
There are several factors contributing to the rise of news deserts. The digital age has brought about immense changes in how people consume news, with many turning to social media and online platforms for information. Traditional newspapers have struggled to adapt to this new environment, leading to declining subscriptions and advertising revenue. Furthermore, the consolidation of media ownership has resulted in fewer local voices and a focus on profit over community service. As large corporations buy up local papers, they often slash staff and resources, further weakening local journalism’s capacity to serve its community.
Depopulation is another significant factor. As younger generations move to urban centres seeking better opportunities, remaining populations often consist of older residents who may have different news consumption habits or limited access to digital media. This demographic shift creates a cycle where diminished local engagement leads to reduced journalistic coverage, which in turn accelerates depopulation, as residents feel less connected and informed about their communities.
The Castile-La Mancha region in Spain serves as an example of how depopulation can lead to news deserts, as it has seen significant population decline, and with it, the local media landscape has dramatically changed. Fewer people means less advertising revenue, which newspapers rely on, ultimately resulting in cuts to staff and resources. Like many areas suffering from similar trends, Castile-La Mancha faces a decline, not just in quantity, but also in the quality of news coverage.
Local media distribution mirrors the region’s polycentric demographic patterns, with outlets clustered in urban centres while rural zones remain underserved. Demographic indicators such as low population density, aging communities, and the absence of younger populations strongly correlate with the lack of media presence, while factors like business activity or income levels show limited influence.
Public services in depopulated areas, such as healthcare and education, remain relatively intact due to public efforts. However, media access heavily relies on private investment, as third-sector media remain underdeveloped. Future research should explore the potential of municipal broadcasters and public communication policies in these regions. Distance and territorial structure further exacerbate media absence, with logistical and administrative barriers isolating peripheral zones.
The complex relationship between depopulation and media absence suggests the need for further exploration, including how media might attract or retain populations. Local journalism’s ability to fulfil grassroots values is critical, alongside the role of civil society and social media in filling informational voids. Emphasising community resilience may offer new perspectives on addressing these challenges.
Saiz-Echezarreta, V., Galletero-Campos, B., & Arias Molinares, D. (2024). From news deserts to news resilience: Analysis of media in depopulated areas. Journalism, 25(12), 2641-2660. https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849231218818
In response to the changing media environment, journalism programmes are increasingly emphasising the importance of skills such as adaptability, critical thinking, and audience engagement. This reflects a shift from simply teaching traditional skills to preparing students for a future where they are expected to integrate new technologies and diverse perspectives into their work. A significant part of the discussion revolves around how journalism educational institutions must innovate their curricula to meet these challenges, fostering a culture of lifelong learning among journalists. This is particularly important for journalism funders, as their support plays a crucial role in equipping future journalists with the tools to navigate and adapt to the shifting landscape, ensuring the sustainability and impact of quality journalism.
Drawing from insights gained from fifty experts in journalism and education, a study conducted in the Netherlands employed scenario planning to explore various potential futures for journalism education. This method considered both certain trends, such as ongoing technological advancement and the necessity for journalists to engage with their audiences, and uncertain trends, which include the blurring of professional boundaries within journalism and the growing need for collaboration across disciplines.
The study found four plausible scenarios for the future of journalism education. The first scenario, “Back to Basics,” emphasises a return to foundational skills centred around traditional journalism standards, focusing on research, interviewing, and a critical understanding of political and social contexts. The second scenario, “Mix & Match,” allows for personalised learning paths, where aspiring journalists can curate their educational experiences based on individual needs and interests, often leveraging audience collaboration and advanced technology. In the third scenario, “Creators United,” students are trained not just as information providers but also as active participants in journalism, working closely with media organisations and engaging directly with their communities. The final scenario, “Learn for Life,” envisions a flexible, open-ended form of education where traditional structures like diplomas may disappear, allowing journalists to navigate their own paths and explore varied formats and subjects.
Journalism education needs to evolve continually, and educators should prioritise teaching new skills while reconsidering the fundamental journalistic values that should always underpin such training. These insights contribute to the broader discourse on how journalism programmes can stay relevant in the rapidly evolving media landscape, highlighting the importance of flexibility, innovation, and a commitment to understanding the journalist’s role in society.
Severijnen, M., & de Haan, Y. (2024). Educating for a Changing Media Landscape: Four Scenarios for Journalism Education in 2030. Journalism Studies, 25(16), 1931–1948. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2024.2406814
The quality of news articles is assessed not only by their content but also by the media brand which publishes them. In today’s information-saturated environment, brands serve as cognitive shortcuts for readers, helping them navigate vast amounts of information. Consumer-based brand equity (CBBE), defined as the value a brand holds based on consumers’ awareness and associations, plays a critical role in this process. It is crucial for those providing financial support to journalism to understand this dynamic, as it emphasises the significance of brand reputation and the potential influence of brand equity on public trust and the perception of journalistic quality.
The role of journalism in supporting democratic societies is widely acknowledged. The quality of journalism is often gauged by its impartiality, reliability, and factual accuracy. However, there is no universally agreed-upon definition of news quality. There is a discrepancy between how journalists and consumers evaluate quality. However, studies indicate that the majority of news recipients can distinguish high-quality articles. This research extends this understanding by examining how media brands affect recipients’ assessments of news articles, particularly through CBBE.
Media brands act as reliable indicators of news quality, particularly in an environment where readers cannot personally verify the events covered in news stories. Brands convey emotional and cognitive associations that shape perceptions of content even before it is consumed. For example, articles from well-known, quality brands are typically rated more favourably than those from tabloid brands, even when the content is identical. This makes the media brand a critical factor in shaping audience evaluations, particularly in the online news environment, where strong brands often exert a greater influence on news selection than the content itself. The increasing prevalence of sensationalism has further obscured the distinction between quality and tabloid media, resulting in a convergence where both seek to deliver factual yet appealing content.
The study reveals that consumers rely on heuristic cues, such as media brands, to assess news quality when direct content evaluation is not possible. In this context, CBBE emerges as a critical factor. A positive CBBE results in stronger brand loyalty, higher perceived quality, and more favourable brand associations, all of which influence how consumers assess news quality. The familiarity of a media brand can prompt the formation of cognitive associations, which in turn influence the perceived credibility and accuracy of the news articles it publishes. The research demonstrates that articles from reputable brands like Süddeutsche Zeitung are generally evaluated more favourably than those from sensationalist brands like Bild. This effect is mediated by CBBE.
For journalism funders and donors, the implications are clear. CBBE, driven by brand awareness and consumer associations, directly impacts the perceived quality of news, particularly in areas such as factual accuracy, impartiality, and relevance. News outlets with a strong, positive brand identity can effectively signal high-quality journalism to their audiences, even in cases where the actual content may not be significantly different from that of their competitors. This indicates that maintaining a robust and reliable media brand is vital for maintaining audience trust and ensuring that quality journalism is recognised and valued by the public.
The research also examined how the impact of CBBE differs across various quality subdimensions. It revealed that brand influence was particularly strong in assessments of factual accuracy and impartiality, while its impact was less pronounced for dimensions like comprehensibility. This suggests that readers may rely more heavily on brand equity when evaluating elements of news that are more challenging to assess based on the content alone. For journalism funders and donors, this emphasises the value of investing not only in the production of quality journalism but also in the development and maintenance of strong media brands. A positive brand image is an effective tool for ensuring that quality journalism is perceived as such by its audience.
The convergence of quality and tabloid journalism also presents another challenge. The role of media brands in signalling news quality becomes even more critical. Funders and donors need to consider how this convergence affects public perception of journalistic quality and what it means for their support of independent, high-quality journalism. In a media landscape where strong brands can enhance the perceived quality of journalism, supporting media outlets in building their brand equity may be as important as funding content creation.
Nevertheless, while CBBE plays a significant role, other factors like brand knowledge and the physical presence of media outlets (e.g., their visibility in public spaces) also contribute to how news quality is perceived. For funders and donors, understanding the full range of factors that influence audience perception of quality is essential for making informed decisions about where to direct their support. By helping media outlets build positive brand equity and maintain a strong public presence, funders can enhance the impact of their contributions, ensuring that quality journalism is recognised and trusted by the public.
Leuppert, R., Bruns, S., Rahe, V., & Scherer, H. (2024). What’s a news media brand worth? Investigating the effect of cognitive brand representations on recipients’ quality assessment of news articles. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241285497
Defector, a for-profit, employee-owned news organisation, has successfully balanced its economic viability with its journalistic values—an achievement many news outlets struggle to attain. Founded in 2020 by former journalists from the sports blog Deadspin, Defector has distinguished itself with its employee-owned cooperative model and its rare economic success.
Traditionally, US journalism’s financial model has been anchored in the “dual-product model,” where news organisations generated revenue by selling content to the public and selling the public’s attention to advertisers. However, with the rise of the internet, this model has faced significant disruptions, prompting a search for new revenue streams.
One proposed solution has been audience engagement, which involves news organisations interacting with their audiences, mainly focusing on diverse and marginalised communities. This idea has been championed by some as a moral obligation and a potential source of revenue. For instance, studies have suggested that engaging with marginalised communities can lead to new financial support for news organisations. The Columbia Journalism Review has also noted that more engaged audiences tend to contribute more financially. This optimism is based on the belief that, as journalism shifts towards direct audience support, engagement activities will become essential in building and sustaining these audiences, thereby increasing revenue potential.
However, there is scepticism regarding the effectiveness of engagement activities as a revenue strategy. Critics argue that, while engagement might foster a sense of community, there is little empirical evidence to support the notion that it leads to economic success. Moreover, some contend that the focus on engagement, especially through web metrics, can harm journalism’s financial health by encouraging the pursuit of viral content at the expense of long-term loyalty and viability.
Defector serves as a compelling case study in this debate. Its success is closely linked to its emphasis on audience engagement, particularly through its comments section, which plays a central role in both community building and economic gain.
Defector’s business model features a tiered subscription system, with a notable portion of subscribers opting for the more expensive tier that grants access to engagement activities like commenting. This indicates that a significant number of subscribers are willing to pay a premium for the ability to engage with the community, suggesting that Defector’s economic success is indeed tied to its engagement practices.
Defector’s engagement activities, including an active comments section, Q&A sessions, and interactive events, contribute to its community-building efforts and financial stability. The comments section, in particular, is highlighted as a key engagement tool. It encourages subscribers to interact not only with the content, but also with each other, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability among users. This self-moderation helps maintain a civil and constructive discourse, contrasting with the often-toxic environments found in free-to-access comments sections on other sites.
In addition to the comments section, Defector regularly hosts Q&A sessions and events on platforms like Twitch, where journalists engage with subscribers in a more informal, personal manner. This helps journalists better understand their audience and solidifies the bond between the staff and the community, creating a sense of belonging that goes beyond the typical journalist-reader relationship.
Three key factors contributing to Defector’s success can be identified: positive engagement, a strong sense of community, and delivering clear value to subscribers. The positive environment fostered by the site’s paywall ensures that those who participate are genuinely interested in the content, benefitting both subscribers and journalists. This sense of community, carried over from Deadspin, is intentionally cultivated and has led to a loyal subscriber base willing to pay for premium engagement opportunities. Finally, Defector’s success is also attributed to the high quality of its content, which subscribers view as worth paying for, ensuring that engagement efforts are not just superficial, but are tied to delivering real value.
While Defector’s model is not universally applicable, especially given its niche focus on sports and culture and its roots in Deadspin, it offers valuable insights for other news organisations. By centring their business models around their audience, news organisations can potentially achieve a better balance between economic stability and journalistic ideals. However, there is still a need for further research to explore how Defector’s model can be adapted or replicated in different contexts, particularly in understanding the perception of its audience and how this contributes to its success.
Ferrucci, P. (2024). Engagement as Revenue in Journalism: Turning Community, Comments, and Access into Economic Viability. Journalism Studies, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2024.2380713
Reaching young people has become a strategic priority for Public Service Media (PSM) in many Western countries, as these organisations face challenges in engaging those audiences with the news. To expand their reach, PSM organisations often rely on social media platforms. However, this reliance creates dependencies on platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat. These platforms are driven by commercial interests, leading to datafication and algorithmic filtering, which do not align with the values driving PSM, such as universality, independence, diversity, and accountability. As gatekeepers, these platforms significantly influence news dissemination, posing challenges to journalistic integrity and PSM’s core ideals. These concerns are particularly relevant given the central role of digital intermediaries in reaching youth.
This study focuses on the Norwegian Broadcasting Company (NRK), Norway’s public service media (PSM) organisation, and its efforts to target young audiences on Snapchat. Despite the global popularity of TikTok, Snapchat remains a major platform in Norway, particularly among young adults. As scholarly research on how newsrooms navigate Snapchat’s rules and metrics for disseminating news is limited, this study aims to fill that gap by exploring how journalists produce news for Snapchat, while adhering to PSM obligations and examining the implications for content dissemination and audience reach.
The research uncovers complex gatekeeping processes throughout the publication process, referred to as “dynamic gatekeeping,” in which journalists navigate Snapchat’s algorithmic gatekeeping. This involves interpreting audience metrics, adhering to Snapchat’s guidelines, and responding to audience reactions as seen in analytics. NRK’s news flow on Snapchat involves a reciprocal relationship between journalistic decisions and platform algorithms. The study identifies three key gate-keeping stages: pre-publication, publication-stage, and post-publication.
In the pre-publication phase, journalists at NRK UNG (NRK Youth) use Snapchat metrics from the Story Studio to prioritise and produce news stories. This data provides detailed information about the audience and influences decisions on news topic selection and presentation. The goal is to maximise engagement from the target youth demographic. The newsroom monitors metrics such as click-through rates, reading times, and audience demographics. They adjust the content to align with audience preferences and algorithmic influences. Despite relying on these metrics, journalists argue that they prioritise independent editorial decisions based on news values and ethics.
During the publication stage, Snapchat’s algorithms directly influence the selection of “tiles” (front page visuals for Snapchat editions) through ABCD testing. This testing helps determine which tile will engage the audience most effectively, influencing the prominence of specific stories. The newsroom creates multiple tiles for each story and uses algorithmic feedback to improve future editions. This process highlights the interplay between the platform’s algorithmic decisions and journalistic content creation.
Post-publication, Snapchat’s flagging system enforces community guidelines by restricting the dissemination of content deemed inappropriate. This flagging often frustrates journalists, as it limits the reach of what they believe to be important stories. Violations, such as those related to graphic content or commercial elements, result in flagged stories that only reach existing subscribers. Journalists adapt by modifying content to avoid flagging but express concerns about the inconsistent enforcement of guidelines and its impact on editorial integrity.
The study examines the complex and ever-changing relationship between PSM journalists and Snapchat’s algorithmic gatekeeping. It underscores the difficulties of upholding journalistic independence while reaching out to younger audiences on external platforms. These findings call for careful consideration of the implications for PSM’s editorial autonomy and the credibility of their news coverage. As PSM organisations grapple with these challenges, the study recommends additional research into the broader effects of platform algorithms on journalistic methods.
Røsok-Dahl, H., & Kristine Olsen, R. (2024). Snapping the news: Dynamic gatekeeping in a public service media newsroom reaching young people with news on Snapchat. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241255701
Amidst a global rise in news avoidance, an increasing number of journalists and researchers map its implications and underlying causes. As a response, a number of strategies are being proposed to re-engage with audiences and reaffirm the value of professional journalism.
The global increase in news avoidance is causing concern among journalists and media researchers alike. To understand the phenomenon, it is important to distinguish between selective and consistent news avoidance, as each has its own reasons and consequences. Selective avoidance, often attributed to news fatigue and information overload, involves steering clear of specific topics or sources rather than entirely shunning the news. Consistent news avoidance is more concerning, indicating minimal engagement with news in general.
According to the 2023 Digital News Report by Reuters Institute, financed by Google, the proportion of those who avoid news, either consistently or occasionally, is close to all-time highs of 36% across various markets. Selective news avoiders follow various strategies, including avoiding news on certain channels such as the radio or social media, as well as more specific actions like reducing news checking frequency or avoiding certain topics like the conflict in Ukraine or national politics.
Benjamin Toff, assistant professor at the Hubbard School of Journalism & Mass Communication at the University of Minnesota, points out that there is less data on consistent news avoidance, which is a particularly concerning trend in countries like the UK and US where it has risen to 7%. “In anti-democratic countries there is also a correlation between lower press freedom and higher news avoidance, because news is perceived as less reliable and less trustworthy,” Toff said, adding that data about the phenomenon in highly autocratic countries are scarce.
There are various reasons behind the increase of news avoidance. Toff explained that selective news avoidance is a response to information overload and the complexities of today’s media landscape, reflecting a general disengagement from news. This phenomenon is closely intertwined with digital infrastructure and with people’s identities and ideological beliefs, shaping their perception of the world.
In a survey conducted in the Netherlands, researchers identified seven distinct profiles of news avoiders, each with its own set of characteristics and motivations. These profiles range from those who occasionally avoid news due to concerns about its quality or its negative impact on their emotions to those who prefer alternative media sources. Among these profiles are also those who feel indifferent towards news, or find it challenging to engage with. Additionally, there are those who hold negative sentiments toward news, often driven by political ideologies.
News avoidance is more prevalent among younger generations, Toff said, as well as among women and those with lower levels of education and socioeconomic status. There is no specific data linking the growing popularity of TikTok to the increasing tendency of younger audiences to access news through the platform, a trend that suggests a weakening connection to traditional news brands. Yet, there is a perception among these audiences that traditional news habits are outdated and a belief that news will naturally come to them.
News avoidance can have serious societal consequences. Toff noted a strong correlation between political engagement and news consumption. “Political coverage often requires a significant level of background knowledge, it is like tuning in to Episode 3 in Season 4 of Game of Thrones, without knowing what happened in the show before,” he said. Since news avoidance is particularly prevalent among disadvantaged groups in the society, it poses a risk of widening existing inequalities by further skewing mainstream journalism towards privileged audiences.
As publishers have recognised the urgency of the issue, many started to devise strategies to address it. Researchers have also proposed several research-backed steps that journalists and editors can take to effectively counteract news avoidance.
One crucial aspect involves responding to how news makes people feel emotionally, Toff said. News organisations should acknowledge common complaints about news being depressing, irrelevant, or overwhelming. By presenting uplifting, relevant, and accessible content that resonates with people’s lives, they may attract audiences who previously avoided news products. Additionally, efforts to engage news avoiders should prioritise representing and respecting diverse groups, fostering a sense of inclusion and relevance.
To make news more accessible for consistent avoiders, simplifying news content and formats is essential. Offering summary pieces, providing background and context for stories, and personalising news delivery based on individual interests and levels of background knowledge can help engage audiences who may feel overwhelmed by traditional news formats.
Furthermore, educating the public about the value of journalism and promoting innovative news formats are also important steps in countering news avoidance. Actively listening to audience feedback is a key component of successful engagement strategies.
Ultimately, countering news avoidance requires an all-purpose approach involving news organisations, especially public service media, non-profits, and even civic organisations and universities that can offer media literacy training, according to Toff. By making news content more visible and relevant to everyday life, reaching audiences on their preferred platforms and in preferred formats, and emphasising the social benefits of news consumption, publishers can attempt to re-engage audiences and reaffirm the importance of professional journalism.
In an era where the value of journalism is increasingly scrutinised, understanding its impact presents a complex puzzle. From traditional metrics to innovative methodologies, the quest to measure impact evolves, with new tools emerging.
Both journalists and donors recognise that the media operates within a larger ecosystem, making it difficult to isolate and measure the precise impact of journalism. Furthermore, impact can vary significantly depending on the goals and priorities of different journalists and newsrooms. For instance, while one news organisation might prioritise educating its audience and measure impact by assessing changes in public opinion on contentious issues, other outlets may focus on different indicators.
Still, journalists and media organisations worldwide are engaged in assessing the impact of their work, driven by a dual motivation of self-evaluation and the need to demonstrate value to donors, investors, and the public. Increasingly, media outlets recognise that communicating the positive outcomes of their work not only boosts trust and loyalty among audiences but also holds potential for revenue growth.
This shift reflects a common belief among funders that investing in journalism requires tangible evidence of impact, moving beyond viewing it solely as a public good. Such recognition underscores the need for donors to evaluate their investments in media and journalism programmes thoroughly.
Insights into measuring impact, such as those outlined by the International Journalists’ Network, highlight its multifaceted nature, encompassing not only the dissemination of information but also its broader societal effects. From shaping public opinion and encouraging public discourse to driving policy change, the impact of journalism spans various phases, often defying simple cost-benefit analyses. Moreover, methodologies for measuring impact extend beyond traditional metrics like online engagement, with a broad range of tools developed by academics. Add to that cross-border collaborations, or even negative consequences, such as potential backlash against journalists.
To analyse impact, there are a lot of different studies across various fields like economics and political science, focusing on topics from government spending and corruption to voter behaviour, argues Anya Schiffrin, director of the media, technology, and communications specialisation at Columbia University’s School of International and Public Affairs (SIPA), adding that these “measurement tools are becoming more and more sophisticated.”
The Impact Dashboard, developed by Pluralis in collaboration with the Media and Journalism Research Center (MJRC), is one of such tools. It evaluates supported media organisations across three key dimensions: long-term sustainability, plurality, and accessibility to information, analysing impact on three levels. On the micro level, it tracks how supported organisations change in terms of revenues and audience reach over the course of working with the funder. On the meso level, the Dashboard collects evidence to measure the level of media plurality in the country. Finally, on the macro level, it examines the impact on society, searching for evidence such as potential policy changes resulting from coverage by the media receiving the grant.
Another approach is proposed by Schiffrin, who, with Andre Correa d’Almeida, Lindsay Green-Barber, Adelina Yankova, and Dylan W. Groves developed a multi-faceted metric system to analyse media impact. As they argue, three primary research strands contribute to understanding media impact: social scientists focus on identifying causal effects, often related to citizen knowledge, attitudes, and government responses; media researchers offer accounts of causal processes and diverse media effects; and media practitioners provide an insider’s view, highlighting the impact on journalists and media organisations. These approaches can complement each other, hence their proposed taxonomy that can unify measures of media impact, and inform decisions by practitioners and donors.
The taxonomy comprises three levels of impact. At the individual level, media reports influence beliefs, attitudes, and behaviours. The network/organisation level involves the collective impact on social networks, norms, and actions, including effects within media organisations and journalist communities. The institution level pertains to long-term effects on institutions and culture. The taxonomy also distinguishes between external impact on society and internal impact within the journalism community, providing a framework that can be adapted to different objectives, acknowledging the diverse goals of donors, activists, journalists, and media outlets. “One can look at the table and then measure those metrics their organisation cares about,” Schiffrin said.
In evaluating the impact of journalism, it is important to recognise that some news organisations have smaller audiences rendering metrics like pageviews or listenership alone inadequate. Furthermore, while one traditional measure of journalism’s impact involves influencing government policy or prompting officials to address issues, achieving such outcomes often demands sustained reporting over an extended period.
Furthermore, in countries with more autocratic rulers and intensified attacks on journalism, government responses to policy concerns or official misconduct exposed by investigative reporting cannot be expected. In fact, in such landscapes if donor funding contributes to the survival of a news organisation, it can already be perceived as having a significant impact. “It is important to keep the flame alive,” Schiffrin said. “You don’t want these outlets to die.” She added that, when measuring impact, journalism donors should avoid burdening grantees with overly demanding reporting requirements, focusing instead on listening to their feedback.
The landscape of local journalism is undergoing a critical transformation marked by dwindling revenues, job cuts, and closures, primarily attributed to the digitisation of information environments. This shift prompts a crucial question: How can local media outlets adapt to the digital era to retain or regain audiences and, consequently, attract advertisers? This study, conducted in Denmark by Lene Heiselberg and David Nicolas Hopmann (Centre for Journalism at the Department of Political Science and Public Management, University of Southern Denmark), employs a mixed-methods audience research approach to unravel the desires and needs of local journalism audiences, exploring functional, symbolic, emotional, and economic values.
Local journalism, vital for community cohesion, faces a challenging cycle where declining resources lead to lower-quality content, further driving audiences away and diminishing revenues. The 21st century, characterised by the dominance of the Internet and social media, poses unprecedented challenges to traditional local media, contributing to the rise of ‘news deserts,’ areas devoid of continuous journalistic coverage. This decline threatens democratic systems, accountability, and crucial local information.
The study distinguishes three audience categories: non-paying, potential-paying, and paying. While all prioritise informative content, paying audiences emphasise symbolic and emotional values, seeking a sense of belonging and personally meaningful content. Non-paying audiences stress the need for improved quality.
Quantitative analysis reveals that 61% of participants are unwilling to pay for local journalism, while 28% are potentially willing, and 11% are already paying. Surprisingly, the perceived relevance of being informed about local affairs is high across all groups, challenging the notion that non-paying audiences don’t value local news. Participants who do not want to pay for local news do not express wants and needs for symbolic and emotional values of local journalism to the same degree as participants who (might) pay for local journalism. Instead, participants who do not pay and participants who might pay emphasise functional values.
The results of the research conducted for this study indicate three paths for local media outlets to increase their audiences: (1) communicate and/or clarify the symbolic and emotional values of local journalism, (2) increase quality regarding the functional values of local journalism, and (3) increase relevance regarding the functional values of local journalism.
Few quotes touch upon the economic value of local journalism, with business owners recognising the relevance of staying informed about local events for economic gain. The study suggests that revitalising local journalism requires prioritising unique, emotionally engaging content, clarifying symbolic values, and enhancing functional quality. Understanding audience preferences is crucial for local media outlets to refine their strategies and to ensure the survival and relevance of local journalism in the digital age.
Heiselberg, L., & Hopmann, D. N. (2024). Local journalism and its audience. Journalism, 0(0).
https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849231173226