Understanding when local news meets audience needs is a complex issue. This paper, published in Journalism, presents the Local News Proximity Index, which measures access to local news and how strongly outlets are connected and committed to their communities.
Local news in small towns and cities plays an important role in keeping people informed and connected. It helps communities understand local issues, follow government actions, and stay safe during emergencies. Yet many outlets are struggling. Changes in advertising, the digital shift, and cost-cutting measures have led to closures, weaker coverage, and the rise of “news deserts.” Governments and municipalities have tried to help, often by funding established media, but support does not always reach the areas that need it most.
One challenge is defining what “local” really means. News outlets may claim to serve a place, but their actual presence and coverage can be limited. Some operate from distant hubs or rely heavily on shared content, reducing their connection to the communities they cover. This weakens trust and the value of local reporting.
Measuring local news has long been difficult. Early efforts often relied on maps that showed where outlets were based, but they missed a key point: being listed in a place does not mean an outlet truly serves it. Newer methods look at newsroom strength or content, but they still do not fully capture how connected an outlet is to a community.
The authors argue that proximity offers a clearer way to assess local news. It looks at three elements: geographic, cultural, and social proximity. Together, these show whether an outlet is truly embedded in a place. Focusing on proximity can help identify gaps, guide support, and strengthen local news where it matters most.
The Local News Proximity Index
Therefore, researchers developed the Local News Proximity Index (LNPI). It measures how closely a news outlet is tied to a specific place. The index looks at two main areas: physical presence, and the focus of coverage. These are broken down into factors such as staffing, infrastructure, local focus, and how well stories reflect the community. Together, they produce a single score that shows how strong an outlet’s local connection is.
The LNPI uses a 25-question survey based on a sample of recent coverage. It can be completed by journalists, researchers, or community members. Scores place outlets into four types, from strong local presence to little or none. Importantly, the focus is on each place, not just the outlet.
A case study of Tenterfield, Australia, shows how this works. While several outlets claim to cover the town, none have a strong local presence. Most reporting comes from outside the area, and coverage is often limited. The index helps reveal these gaps and shows where support is most needed.
The LNPI can help donors target support more effectively and encourage collaboration between outlets. It also offers useful data for researchers and for news organisations seeking funding. The index helps identify areas at risk, supports better decisions, and highlights opportunities to improve local news coverage.
Hess, K., Ross, A., McAdam, A., Blakston, A., Forde, S., Ricketson, M., & Martin, H. (2026). Putting news in its place: An index measurement tool to evaluate local news access. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849261427802
Two recent documentaries produced by Hungarian investigative newsroom Direkt36 represent a rare case of high-impact investigative journalism achieving mass audience reach in an increasingly captured media environment.
In Hungary, much of the mainstream media is aligned with the government, while independent outlets operate with limited access to traditional distribution channels. As András Pethő, Co-founder and Director of Direkt36, explains: “Already 5-6 years ago, we started discussing how to improve and expand. There were two main ideas: publishing more stories or being more ambitious and producing even deeper investigations. We chose the latter. We also saw the power of YouTube, the power of videos, so we decided to try them.” As the newsroom did not have the internal capacity, they turned to professional filmmakers.
Their first documentary, about hospital infections, was published in 2023 and has 120k views as of March 26, 2026, which is a respectable number in a country of around 9.6 million, where about 66% of the populationuses YouTube.
The breakthrough came last year with The Dynasty, a documentary detailing the business empire of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s family.
The film quickly became a viral phenomenon: it reached 800,000 views within 24 hours. Within one week, it surpassed 2.7 million views, and by March 2026, it had reached 4.1 million.
This scale is highly unusual for investigative journalism, particularly in Central and Eastern Europe. The film became, by all available measures, the most watched Hungarian public affairs content on YouTube, far exceeding the reach of Direkt36’s written investigations.
Several factors explain this success. “First of all, it is a really strong story, and no one has told it in this format before. And it is a good movie, with some particularly powerful elements, for example the hidden camera footage,” Pethő argues.
Timing also played a crucial role. In February 2025, the Hungarian political system was already in turmoil after 15 years of authoritarian rule. Public interest in similar topics was high, and “the digital sphere really came alive, with several popular podcasts and video channels,” says Pethő. Published at the right moment, the documentary crossed traditional audience boundaries. Instead of reaching only politically engaged readers, it attracted a broader YouTube audience, including viewers less likely to consume investigative reporting.
Attacks by government propaganda further amplified reach. Even before the release of The Dynasty, government-aligned figures framed the documentary as “politically motivated disinformation.” Officials claimed the film was part of a “Ukrainian intelligence campaign” against Orbán, and these baseless accusations were widely circulated in pro-government media ecosystems. Paradoxically, these attacks generated additional public curiosity and media coverage, helping to drive viewership. This dynamic resembles the Streisand effect, where attempts to suppress information instead amplify it.
From Viral Moment to Sustainable Audience Growth
A year later, The Trap, which tells the story of Hungary’s missed economic opportunities during Orbán’s rule, built on the success of The Dynasty. Within a month, it reached 1.4 million views.
This sustained audience interest demonstrates that the success of The Dynasty was not a one-off viral moment. Together, the two films show that investigative outlets can build ongoing audience engagement through documentary storytelling, a model more commonly associated with streaming platforms than with non-profit journalism.
Nevertheless, the documentaries were not only editorial successes; they also contributed to financial sustainability, even though Direkt36 did not rely on commercial monetisation strategies such as paywalls or advertising.
Direkt36 operates primarily on reader-supported funding, and The Dynasty directly strengthened this model. According to Pethő, paid memberships increased from around 3,000 to 5,000 last year, and “most joined after the release of the film, or following the government’s campaign against independent media in the spring.”
This suggests that the documentary functioned as a conversion tool, turning passive viewers into paying supporters.
“The challenge was to keep these new supporters, because retention rate can be high: they forget about their subscription, their credit card expires and they don’t update it, and so on. So we had to show them that it is worth supporting us,” Pethő continues.
Producing The Trap was part of the response to this challenge, and it brought another increase in supporters. However, it was not the only motivation for making the film: “It is another very important story, and it also resonated with the audience,” says Pethő, adding that these two are currently the most watched Hungarian political documentaries on YouTube.
Beyond Monetisation: Reputation, Community, and Impact
Beyond direct memberships, the films contributed to Direkt36’s sustainability in other ways. In Hungary, the law allows anyone who has paid personal income tax to request that 1% of that amount be redirected to a qualified non-profit organisation. “We saw enormous growth in that last year,” says Pethő: tax donations to Direkt36 more than doubled compared to the previous year.
Furthermore, “these movies are really useful for audience building. It is much easier to organise meetups when you want to show a film instead of reading from articles,” Pethő explains. He adds that they do not monetise these meetings; even if there is an entrance fee, it only covers organisational costs. However, these events strengthen the outlet’s reputation.
The films also generated international recognition and awards. Their success has been widely covered in the international press, and The Dynasty has received several awards. This gives increased credibility and potential access to grant funding, while strengthening partnerships and cross-border collaborations. In this sense, monetisation is not purely transactional; it also includes reputational capital, which is crucial for non-profit investigative outlets.
“The films increased our audience and impact. Being a nonprofit, we cannot ask for more,” Pethő says.
In heavily restrictive media environments, shifting to video can dramatically expand reach and impact. These documentaries demonstrate how this can translate into financial support.
In a research article published in Digital Journalism, Bernadette Uth shows that audiences in Germany are rather reserved when it comes to using participatory features in journalism, despite believing that they are an important element in building trust. These findings show that even modest investments in audience engagement can strengthen trust and loyalty, key foundations for the long-term sustainability and public value of independent media.
Journalism has long relied on sales and advertising. In recent years, this model has become harder to sustain, therefore, many newsrooms now look for new ways to earn money and keep their audiences. One growing approach is to focus on a smaller group of loyal readers rather than the general public.
Digital media have changed what audiences expect from news. People can now respond to stories, share their views, or take part in discussions. Researchers have begun to study how users engage with these options, but most work has focused on simple actions such as liking or sharing articles. We still know little about deeper forms of engagement, such as taking part in the reporting process or offering ideas and feedback. This paper, however, introduces a way to classify digital engagement based on how much involvement it requires. It uses survey data from Germany to explore which engagement options people use and how important they find them, and examines how these perceptions relate to trust in journalism.
Trust is vital for journalism in democratic societies. Without it, audiences may avoid the news or question its purpose. Studies show that trust is shaped by personal experiences, emotions, and whether people feel represented. Many groups say they do not feel heard by the media, which has led to calls for closer and more open relationships between journalists and the public. Yet levels of trust vary, and some groups remain deeply sceptical. Local journalism often enjoys higher trust than national outlets, partly due to closer contact with communities.
Audience engagement is often seen as a promising way to strengthen trust, but actual participation remains low. This paper therefore explores how often people use various options, how important they find them, and whether seeing journalism as open and audience-focused is linked to greater trust.
As a first step, the author looked at how people use different ways to take part in digital journalism. Overall, all options are used, but to very different degrees. Simple actions, including user comments, liking or sharing articles, or joining quick polls, are the most common. Options that demand more effort, such as sending photos or videos or producing material for journalists, are used far less. Many read comments weekly or monthly, but only a small number write comments themselves. Even for the most popular option, a significant number of people rarely or never engage.
When the author compared the actual use of these options with their perceived importance, an interesting gap appeared. Many respondents do not use participatory features, yet they still say these features matter. People tend to value tools that help them express their views or follow others’ opinions, even if they do not use them themselves. Surveys and polls are rated as most important, followed by sharing articles and reading comments. High-involvement options such as sending topic suggestions or writing e-mails are also seen as fairly important, even though few people use them. The least important option is writing one’s own articles. Overall, people seem to value the idea of engagement more than the act itself.
Next, the author asked how people judge journalism’s efforts to engage its audience. Many respondents hold a neutral view, and a significant number say they cannot judge these aspects at all. People are more likely to agree that journalists allow the public to express opinions or discuss current topics with them. They are less convinced that journalists moderate discussions or build a sense of community with the public.
Finally, the author examined whether the perception of journalism as audience-oriented shapes trust. The results show a clear link: trust is higher among people who feel that journalism listens and engages. Age and political views also matter: older respondents tend to show lower trust, and supporters of some political parties express far more distrust. Media habits play a role too: those who follow traditional news show higher trust, while heavy users of social or alternative media tend to trust less. Showing an interest in dialogue and community-building can support trust. At the same time, outlets face the challenge of creating engagement opportunities that audiences will actually use.
Uth, B. (2025). Hardly Used, But Highly Appreciated? Use, Importance and Effects of Engagement-Oriented Journalism. Digital Journalism, 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2025.2605489
In a research article published in Digital Journalism, Liisa Ovaska (Tampere University) investigates Finnish news users’ understandings of the role of audience data in journalism by employing folk theories as an analytical approach.
The rise of datafication, the process of turning human actions on digital platforms into data, has transformed journalism. Newsrooms now rely on audience analytics to understand readers’ habits, adjust headlines, and choose topics that attract more attention. This data-driven approach aims to stabilise finances through subscriptions and engagement rather than advertising. However, it also shifts journalism from serving citizens’ needs to catering to consumer interests, often mixing news with entertainment.
Journalism research has long focused on how news is produced, paying less attention to how audiences understand and evaluate journalism. However, what people expect from journalism reveals much about how they perceive its purpose. Studies show that audiences in different countries want journalists to inform, fact-check, and hold those in power to account. Some also wish for more positive and solution-oriented reporting that makes them “feel good.” Yet, audiences often think commercial pressures shape journalism too much, leading to lower-quality content.
The concept of “folk theories of journalism” helps explain these audience views. Folk theories are people’s everyday beliefs about what journalism is, what it should do, and how it operates. They are shaped by personal experiences, social discussions, and public debates about the media. People use these informal theories to decide how much they trust and engage with news. For example, some audiences believe journalists are biased or too influenced by commercial interests, while others still value their ethical role.
In today’s data-driven media environment, these folk theories extend to ideas about algorithms and data use in journalism. Since people constantly encounter datafied systems online, their understanding of how data and algorithms work, often seen as opaque and profit-driven, shapes how they interpret digital journalism. Studying these beliefs helps reveal how audiences make sense of datafied journalism and how this affects their trust and engagement with the news.
News plays an important role in the daily lives of all participants in the focus groups, helping them stay informed and take part in conversations or political decisions. However, when discussing audience data, participants did not see journalism as a special or different kind of data collector compared to other companies. Their understanding of how news outlets use user data originated from several sources: personal experience with data use online, conversations with others, public debate about data collection, media messages such as cookie notices, and their participation in this study. Through these research activities, they reflected more deeply on these issues, shaping what can be called “sensitised” folk theories: views formed and clarified through guided discussion.
Across all groups, participants agreed that news organisations collect and use user data mainly for commercial reasons. They saw little journalistic or societal purpose behind these practices. Data use was understood as a way to attract advertisers, generate profit, and increase traffic on news sites. Some even described readers as “products” sold to advertisers, accepting this as part of getting free online news.
Participants also linked data practices to a decline in content quality. They felt that algorithms and analytics encourage more click-driven, superficial, and entertainment-based reporting. Headline testing and personalised news were seen as tools to boost clicks rather than inform readers. While some accepted background data use for advertising, many worried that commercial pressures were shaping journalism too strongly, weakening its role in serving the public interest.
The limited knowledge of participants of how news organisations use data suggests these practices are not clearly explained to the public. While participants remained active news readers, their critical attitudes raise questions about whether such scepticism could eventually weaken trust or engagement. The findings highlight the need for greater transparency around data use in journalism.
Ovaska, L. (2025). ‘It’s All About Money’ – News Users’ Folk Theory of Audience Data Utilisation in Journalism. Digital Journalism, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/21670811.2025.2567342
A 2023 survey conducted in Austria with 1,000 participants investigated the relationship between media trust and consumers’ willingness to pay (WTP) for online news in the post-pandemic era. The results indicate a strong correlation between media trust and both WTP and actual media expenditure. This highlights the importance of trust in securing financial sustainability for media organisations. As free content dominates the digital landscape, media companies must rebuild trust to encourage consumers to pay for credible news.
The media industry faces various challenges due to digital disruption and declining trust. While scepticism toward the media is not new, the pandemic accelerated its decline. Trust in media is essential for democracy and economic stability, yet media institutions remain among the least trusted. Despite increased news consumption during the pandemic, trust did not improve. This decline in trust has affected financial sustainability, forcing media companies to shift from ad-based models to paid subscriptions. However, WTP for news remains low, stagnating at 17% globally and only 13.7% in Austria.
Media trust is a crucial factor in social interactions and economic behaviour. Trust in media means audiences believe the media will perform its role satisfactorily. Without trust, the media cannot serve its democratic function, however, it should not be unconditional and should be accompanied by critical media literacy. Trust also involves uncertainty and a leap of faith, as audiences cannot always verify news content. The digital age complicates trust with misinformation, fake news, and algorithm manipulation. Media organisations have also contributed to declining trust through poor reporting and inaccuracies. Since consumers cannot assess media quality before consumption, trust plays a key role in their decision to pay for content. Building trust requires a focus on journalistic integrity and media branding.
From an economic perspective, trust in media brands influences consumer decisions and financial support. Trusted brands create competitive advantages, increasing WTP. Prior studies show that consumers are more likely to pay for news from trusted sources. Economic theories suggest that consumer preferences determine the value of a good: when consumers trust a media brand, they perceive it as more valuable and are more willing to pay for its content. However, free alternatives on social media and financial constraints make it difficult for media companies to convince consumers to pay.
The sample for the online survey, conducted by the Austrian Gallup Institute in October 2023, consisted of 1,000 respondents aged 16 and older, representing Austria’s web-active population. The survey measured media usage, trust, perceptions of media performance, payment behaviours, WTP, and trust in political institutions. Multiple regression analyses were conducted to test hypotheses. Predictors included socio-demographics, media use, and political trust, with interaction terms to test moderation effects.
The results show that trust in media significantly influences WTP and media expenditure. Public service media were rated as the most trustworthy, with television and radio considered more credible than social media. Although media consumption is high, 25% of respondents avoid news, citing psychological stress and lack of trust. Trust in political institutions is low, with only 12% expressing high trust. There is a moderate correlation between media trust and WTP, indicating that trust influences payment behaviour. Political trust also correlates with WTP and media expenditure, suggesting that those with higher trust in political institutions are more likely to support paid news.
Regression analysis shows that higher education and larger households predict higher WTP, while older age, being female, and living in rural areas predict lower WTP. Media use is also a significant predictor, with frequent media users showing higher WTP. Political trust independently predicts WTP, and its interaction with media trust further strengthens this relationship. Media trust remains a significant predictor of WTP across models, though its effect weakens when political trust is considered. When media expenditure is analysed as the dependent variable, similar patterns emerge, though with lower explanatory power. Income significantly influences media expenditure, while media trust loses significance in complex models.
Trust in the media is important for both democratic and economic reasons. Trust enables informed citizenship and financial stability for media organisations. The survey results confirm that trust strongly predicts WTP and media expenditure. As the pandemic increased scepticism toward media due to misinformation and political biases, and social media has further weakened traditional media, trust has become even more critical for securing paid subscriptions. Consumers prioritise credible media brands, which influences their willingness to pay. Therefore, media organisations must focus on rebuilding trust and demonstrating the value of their content.
To restore trust, transparency is essential. Providing insight into journalistic processes can help regain credibility. Fact-checking, ethical reporting, and clear labelling of content can also enhance trust. Accountability is another key factor, requiring strict ethical standards and swift correction of inaccuracies. Engaging with audiences and considering their perspectives can strengthen trust and loyalty.
Beyond trust, understanding other factors influencing WTP is crucial for media sustainability. Socio-demographic factors play a role, highlighting the need for flexible pricing strategies such as micropayments. Regular news consumers tend to trust the media more and are more inclined to pay for content. Advanced data analytics and AI can help tailor content recommendations and increase engagement.
While quality journalism is important, media companies must also focus on branding and marketing. Consumers’ willingness to pay depends not only on content quality but also on brand perception. Strong media brands create competitive advantages, increase perceived value, and drive higher WTP. Marketing and psychology research emphasise the importance of brand trust, yet this remains an underexplored area in media studies.
Voci, D., Karmasin, M., Luef, S., Förster, S., & Kaltenbrunner, A. (2024). Trust has a price?! Unraveling the dynamics between trust in the media and the willingness to pay in the post-pandemic scenario. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241311101
Local journalism faces significant challenges around the world, resulting in the decline of newspapers in various regions, often referred to as “news deserts.” These areas suffer from a lack of reliable news sources, resulting in diminished access to important information that citizens need to participate actively in their communities.
This trend is also alarming for journalism funders, as local journalism plays a critical role in maintaining a well-informed public. With fewer reporters covering city councils, school boards, and local events, citizens are left with limited information about issues affecting their lives. This lack of coverage can create a vacuum of knowledge, undermining democratic processes at the local level.
There are several factors contributing to the rise of news deserts. The digital age has brought about immense changes in how people consume news, with many turning to social media and online platforms for information. Traditional newspapers have struggled to adapt to this new environment, leading to declining subscriptions and advertising revenue. Furthermore, the consolidation of media ownership has resulted in fewer local voices and a focus on profit over community service. As large corporations buy up local papers, they often slash staff and resources, further weakening local journalism’s capacity to serve its community.
Depopulation is another significant factor. As younger generations move to urban centres seeking better opportunities, remaining populations often consist of older residents who may have different news consumption habits or limited access to digital media. This demographic shift creates a cycle where diminished local engagement leads to reduced journalistic coverage, which in turn accelerates depopulation, as residents feel less connected and informed about their communities.
The Castile-La Mancha region in Spain serves as an example of how depopulation can lead to news deserts, as it has seen significant population decline, and with it, the local media landscape has dramatically changed. Fewer people means less advertising revenue, which newspapers rely on, ultimately resulting in cuts to staff and resources. Like many areas suffering from similar trends, Castile-La Mancha faces a decline, not just in quantity, but also in the quality of news coverage.
Local media distribution mirrors the region’s polycentric demographic patterns, with outlets clustered in urban centres while rural zones remain underserved. Demographic indicators such as low population density, aging communities, and the absence of younger populations strongly correlate with the lack of media presence, while factors like business activity or income levels show limited influence.
Public services in depopulated areas, such as healthcare and education, remain relatively intact due to public efforts. However, media access heavily relies on private investment, as third-sector media remain underdeveloped. Future research should explore the potential of municipal broadcasters and public communication policies in these regions. Distance and territorial structure further exacerbate media absence, with logistical and administrative barriers isolating peripheral zones.
The complex relationship between depopulation and media absence suggests the need for further exploration, including how media might attract or retain populations. Local journalism’s ability to fulfil grassroots values is critical, alongside the role of civil society and social media in filling informational voids. Emphasising community resilience may offer new perspectives on addressing these challenges.
Saiz-Echezarreta, V., Galletero-Campos, B., & Arias Molinares, D. (2024). From news deserts to news resilience: Analysis of media in depopulated areas. Journalism, 25(12), 2641-2660. https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849231218818
In response to the changing media environment, journalism programmes are increasingly emphasising the importance of skills such as adaptability, critical thinking, and audience engagement. This reflects a shift from simply teaching traditional skills to preparing students for a future where they are expected to integrate new technologies and diverse perspectives into their work. A significant part of the discussion revolves around how journalism educational institutions must innovate their curricula to meet these challenges, fostering a culture of lifelong learning among journalists. This is particularly important for journalism funders, as their support plays a crucial role in equipping future journalists with the tools to navigate and adapt to the shifting landscape, ensuring the sustainability and impact of quality journalism.
Drawing from insights gained from fifty experts in journalism and education, a study conducted in the Netherlands employed scenario planning to explore various potential futures for journalism education. This method considered both certain trends, such as ongoing technological advancement and the necessity for journalists to engage with their audiences, and uncertain trends, which include the blurring of professional boundaries within journalism and the growing need for collaboration across disciplines.
The study found four plausible scenarios for the future of journalism education. The first scenario, “Back to Basics,” emphasises a return to foundational skills centred around traditional journalism standards, focusing on research, interviewing, and a critical understanding of political and social contexts. The second scenario, “Mix & Match,” allows for personalised learning paths, where aspiring journalists can curate their educational experiences based on individual needs and interests, often leveraging audience collaboration and advanced technology. In the third scenario, “Creators United,” students are trained not just as information providers but also as active participants in journalism, working closely with media organisations and engaging directly with their communities. The final scenario, “Learn for Life,” envisions a flexible, open-ended form of education where traditional structures like diplomas may disappear, allowing journalists to navigate their own paths and explore varied formats and subjects.
Journalism education needs to evolve continually, and educators should prioritise teaching new skills while reconsidering the fundamental journalistic values that should always underpin such training. These insights contribute to the broader discourse on how journalism programmes can stay relevant in the rapidly evolving media landscape, highlighting the importance of flexibility, innovation, and a commitment to understanding the journalist’s role in society.
Severijnen, M., & de Haan, Y. (2024). Educating for a Changing Media Landscape: Four Scenarios for Journalism Education in 2030. Journalism Studies, 25(16), 1931–1948. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2024.2406814
The quality of news articles is assessed not only by their content but also by the media brand which publishes them. In today’s information-saturated environment, brands serve as cognitive shortcuts for readers, helping them navigate vast amounts of information. Consumer-based brand equity (CBBE), defined as the value a brand holds based on consumers’ awareness and associations, plays a critical role in this process. It is crucial for those providing financial support to journalism to understand this dynamic, as it emphasises the significance of brand reputation and the potential influence of brand equity on public trust and the perception of journalistic quality.
The role of journalism in supporting democratic societies is widely acknowledged. The quality of journalism is often gauged by its impartiality, reliability, and factual accuracy. However, there is no universally agreed-upon definition of news quality. There is a discrepancy between how journalists and consumers evaluate quality. However, studies indicate that the majority of news recipients can distinguish high-quality articles. This research extends this understanding by examining how media brands affect recipients’ assessments of news articles, particularly through CBBE.
Media brands act as reliable indicators of news quality, particularly in an environment where readers cannot personally verify the events covered in news stories. Brands convey emotional and cognitive associations that shape perceptions of content even before it is consumed. For example, articles from well-known, quality brands are typically rated more favourably than those from tabloid brands, even when the content is identical. This makes the media brand a critical factor in shaping audience evaluations, particularly in the online news environment, where strong brands often exert a greater influence on news selection than the content itself. The increasing prevalence of sensationalism has further obscured the distinction between quality and tabloid media, resulting in a convergence where both seek to deliver factual yet appealing content.
The study reveals that consumers rely on heuristic cues, such as media brands, to assess news quality when direct content evaluation is not possible. In this context, CBBE emerges as a critical factor. A positive CBBE results in stronger brand loyalty, higher perceived quality, and more favourable brand associations, all of which influence how consumers assess news quality. The familiarity of a media brand can prompt the formation of cognitive associations, which in turn influence the perceived credibility and accuracy of the news articles it publishes. The research demonstrates that articles from reputable brands like Süddeutsche Zeitung are generally evaluated more favourably than those from sensationalist brands like Bild. This effect is mediated by CBBE.
For journalism funders and donors, the implications are clear. CBBE, driven by brand awareness and consumer associations, directly impacts the perceived quality of news, particularly in areas such as factual accuracy, impartiality, and relevance. News outlets with a strong, positive brand identity can effectively signal high-quality journalism to their audiences, even in cases where the actual content may not be significantly different from that of their competitors. This indicates that maintaining a robust and reliable media brand is vital for maintaining audience trust and ensuring that quality journalism is recognised and valued by the public.
The research also examined how the impact of CBBE differs across various quality subdimensions. It revealed that brand influence was particularly strong in assessments of factual accuracy and impartiality, while its impact was less pronounced for dimensions like comprehensibility. This suggests that readers may rely more heavily on brand equity when evaluating elements of news that are more challenging to assess based on the content alone. For journalism funders and donors, this emphasises the value of investing not only in the production of quality journalism but also in the development and maintenance of strong media brands. A positive brand image is an effective tool for ensuring that quality journalism is perceived as such by its audience.
The convergence of quality and tabloid journalism also presents another challenge. The role of media brands in signalling news quality becomes even more critical. Funders and donors need to consider how this convergence affects public perception of journalistic quality and what it means for their support of independent, high-quality journalism. In a media landscape where strong brands can enhance the perceived quality of journalism, supporting media outlets in building their brand equity may be as important as funding content creation.
Nevertheless, while CBBE plays a significant role, other factors like brand knowledge and the physical presence of media outlets (e.g., their visibility in public spaces) also contribute to how news quality is perceived. For funders and donors, understanding the full range of factors that influence audience perception of quality is essential for making informed decisions about where to direct their support. By helping media outlets build positive brand equity and maintain a strong public presence, funders can enhance the impact of their contributions, ensuring that quality journalism is recognised and trusted by the public.
Leuppert, R., Bruns, S., Rahe, V., & Scherer, H. (2024). What’s a news media brand worth? Investigating the effect of cognitive brand representations on recipients’ quality assessment of news articles. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241285497
Defector, a for-profit, employee-owned news organisation, has successfully balanced its economic viability with its journalistic values—an achievement many news outlets struggle to attain. Founded in 2020 by former journalists from the sports blog Deadspin, Defector has distinguished itself with its employee-owned cooperative model and its rare economic success.
Traditionally, US journalism’s financial model has been anchored in the “dual-product model,” where news organisations generated revenue by selling content to the public and selling the public’s attention to advertisers. However, with the rise of the internet, this model has faced significant disruptions, prompting a search for new revenue streams.
One proposed solution has been audience engagement, which involves news organisations interacting with their audiences, mainly focusing on diverse and marginalised communities. This idea has been championed by some as a moral obligation and a potential source of revenue. For instance, studies have suggested that engaging with marginalised communities can lead to new financial support for news organisations. The Columbia Journalism Review has also noted that more engaged audiences tend to contribute more financially. This optimism is based on the belief that, as journalism shifts towards direct audience support, engagement activities will become essential in building and sustaining these audiences, thereby increasing revenue potential.
However, there is scepticism regarding the effectiveness of engagement activities as a revenue strategy. Critics argue that, while engagement might foster a sense of community, there is little empirical evidence to support the notion that it leads to economic success. Moreover, some contend that the focus on engagement, especially through web metrics, can harm journalism’s financial health by encouraging the pursuit of viral content at the expense of long-term loyalty and viability.
Defector serves as a compelling case study in this debate. Its success is closely linked to its emphasis on audience engagement, particularly through its comments section, which plays a central role in both community building and economic gain.
Defector’s business model features a tiered subscription system, with a notable portion of subscribers opting for the more expensive tier that grants access to engagement activities like commenting. This indicates that a significant number of subscribers are willing to pay a premium for the ability to engage with the community, suggesting that Defector’s economic success is indeed tied to its engagement practices.
Defector’s engagement activities, including an active comments section, Q&A sessions, and interactive events, contribute to its community-building efforts and financial stability. The comments section, in particular, is highlighted as a key engagement tool. It encourages subscribers to interact not only with the content, but also with each other, fostering a sense of ownership and accountability among users. This self-moderation helps maintain a civil and constructive discourse, contrasting with the often-toxic environments found in free-to-access comments sections on other sites.
In addition to the comments section, Defector regularly hosts Q&A sessions and events on platforms like Twitch, where journalists engage with subscribers in a more informal, personal manner. This helps journalists better understand their audience and solidifies the bond between the staff and the community, creating a sense of belonging that goes beyond the typical journalist-reader relationship.
Three key factors contributing to Defector’s success can be identified: positive engagement, a strong sense of community, and delivering clear value to subscribers. The positive environment fostered by the site’s paywall ensures that those who participate are genuinely interested in the content, benefitting both subscribers and journalists. This sense of community, carried over from Deadspin, is intentionally cultivated and has led to a loyal subscriber base willing to pay for premium engagement opportunities. Finally, Defector’s success is also attributed to the high quality of its content, which subscribers view as worth paying for, ensuring that engagement efforts are not just superficial, but are tied to delivering real value.
While Defector’s model is not universally applicable, especially given its niche focus on sports and culture and its roots in Deadspin, it offers valuable insights for other news organisations. By centring their business models around their audience, news organisations can potentially achieve a better balance between economic stability and journalistic ideals. However, there is still a need for further research to explore how Defector’s model can be adapted or replicated in different contexts, particularly in understanding the perception of its audience and how this contributes to its success.
Ferrucci, P. (2024). Engagement as Revenue in Journalism: Turning Community, Comments, and Access into Economic Viability. Journalism Studies, 1–19. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2024.2380713
Reaching young people has become a strategic priority for Public Service Media (PSM) in many Western countries, as these organisations face challenges in engaging those audiences with the news. To expand their reach, PSM organisations often rely on social media platforms. However, this reliance creates dependencies on platforms like Facebook, Instagram, and Snapchat. These platforms are driven by commercial interests, leading to datafication and algorithmic filtering, which do not align with the values driving PSM, such as universality, independence, diversity, and accountability. As gatekeepers, these platforms significantly influence news dissemination, posing challenges to journalistic integrity and PSM’s core ideals. These concerns are particularly relevant given the central role of digital intermediaries in reaching youth.
This study focuses on the Norwegian Broadcasting Company (NRK), Norway’s public service media (PSM) organisation, and its efforts to target young audiences on Snapchat. Despite the global popularity of TikTok, Snapchat remains a major platform in Norway, particularly among young adults. As scholarly research on how newsrooms navigate Snapchat’s rules and metrics for disseminating news is limited, this study aims to fill that gap by exploring how journalists produce news for Snapchat, while adhering to PSM obligations and examining the implications for content dissemination and audience reach.
The research uncovers complex gatekeeping processes throughout the publication process, referred to as “dynamic gatekeeping,” in which journalists navigate Snapchat’s algorithmic gatekeeping. This involves interpreting audience metrics, adhering to Snapchat’s guidelines, and responding to audience reactions as seen in analytics. NRK’s news flow on Snapchat involves a reciprocal relationship between journalistic decisions and platform algorithms. The study identifies three key gate-keeping stages: pre-publication, publication-stage, and post-publication.
In the pre-publication phase, journalists at NRK UNG (NRK Youth) use Snapchat metrics from the Story Studio to prioritise and produce news stories. This data provides detailed information about the audience and influences decisions on news topic selection and presentation. The goal is to maximise engagement from the target youth demographic. The newsroom monitors metrics such as click-through rates, reading times, and audience demographics. They adjust the content to align with audience preferences and algorithmic influences. Despite relying on these metrics, journalists argue that they prioritise independent editorial decisions based on news values and ethics.
During the publication stage, Snapchat’s algorithms directly influence the selection of “tiles” (front page visuals for Snapchat editions) through ABCD testing. This testing helps determine which tile will engage the audience most effectively, influencing the prominence of specific stories. The newsroom creates multiple tiles for each story and uses algorithmic feedback to improve future editions. This process highlights the interplay between the platform’s algorithmic decisions and journalistic content creation.
Post-publication, Snapchat’s flagging system enforces community guidelines by restricting the dissemination of content deemed inappropriate. This flagging often frustrates journalists, as it limits the reach of what they believe to be important stories. Violations, such as those related to graphic content or commercial elements, result in flagged stories that only reach existing subscribers. Journalists adapt by modifying content to avoid flagging but express concerns about the inconsistent enforcement of guidelines and its impact on editorial integrity.
The study examines the complex and ever-changing relationship between PSM journalists and Snapchat’s algorithmic gatekeeping. It underscores the difficulties of upholding journalistic independence while reaching out to younger audiences on external platforms. These findings call for careful consideration of the implications for PSM’s editorial autonomy and the credibility of their news coverage. As PSM organisations grapple with these challenges, the study recommends additional research into the broader effects of platform algorithms on journalistic methods.
Røsok-Dahl, H., & Kristine Olsen, R. (2024). Snapping the news: Dynamic gatekeeping in a public service media newsroom reaching young people with news on Snapchat. Journalism, 0(0). https://doi.org/10.1177/14648849241255701